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Losing R2T and the politics of blocking

Wednesday, August 25th, 2010

There’s no way to ignore the big news of the week: Colorado lost Race to the Top Round 2. I can’t deny I called it wrong. Like every other observer out there, including many more skillful and attuned than I, my forecast was based on what should happen, not what one might expect given the vagaries of a rigorously bureaucratic grant review process. (Not to mention the “ugly politics” Rick Hess suggests as a result of the misguided focus of the review process.)

To start, there are a couple items I have to clear up. Despite any rumors to the contrary, I had nothing at all to do with this morning’s lead editorial in the Denver Post (“Way to go, CEA.”) And no, I did not put anything in Mark Sass’s coffee before he wrote “Screw the Feds.” Moving on….

In their insightful 2009 volume Liberating Learning, Terry Moe and John Chubb included an important chapter titled “The Politics of Blocking.” Therein they explained how teachers unions with their uniquely enormous capacity to fund a powerful political machine are more adept at stopping reforms they don’t like than they are in implementing changes on their agenda. The authors identify many points in the process at which legislation can be killed — from committee votes to the veto pen to courtroom challenges. One win and it’s done.

That’s why it was so remarkable SB 191 emerging unscathed with some minor concessions to be signed into law. But maybe there are a couple additional points in “The Politics of Blocking” Moe and Chubb might have mentioned. First, undermining efforts to obtain resources to fund the reform plan. It’s not entirely clear to what extent CEA’s refusal to sign on to the R2T Round 2 application (as opposed to say reviewers’ bias against, or inability to understand, systems of local control) hurt the effort. But it certainly didn’t help.

Second, and more significantly, it’s time to consider that Colorado might see the politics of blocking through implementation. Now that we know federal funds aren’t available, the Council on Educator Effectiveness figures to have a harder time overcoming its early inertia. Would certain elements represented on the Council pursue a “kill the clock”-style strategy while lobbying a new legislature to further water down or slow down SB 191′s implementation? For this reason alone, watching this fall’s state legislative and state board of education elections will be interesting.

Once the initial sting of injustice starts to wear off, maybe others will join me in seeing that maybe Colorado is just as well off without the $175 million in federal funds and strings attached. There are plenty of state and local school officials out there who are interested in revisiting the Common Core standards issue, for example. If the money isn’t there anyway, why can’t Colorado re-implement its own standards and add on the few Common Core bits seen as improvements — rather than the other way around?

The fallout from Tuesday’s stunning announcement is just beginning.

Popularity: 14% [?]

Unanswered questions on CSAP protocol

Wednesday, August 11th, 2010

Last week we read about the Colorado Virtual Academy (COVA) “mishap” that invalidated more than 6,000 CSAP test scores. This week’s release of CSAP data by the Department of Education keeps the story in the forefront. But when it comes to the whole COVA incident, I must confess to having some unanswered questions. (And I must also confess to working closely with a COVA board member, as well as having both CDE employees and COVA parents as friends.)

EdNews describes administering CSAP tests to students from different grades in the same room as “a violation of state testing protocol.” But if action is going to be taken as severe as throwing out thousands of assessment scores (resulting in failure to make AYP under federal law), it would help to know more about the origin of the protocol. It’s not in state law. It doesn’t originate from rules adopted by the State Board.

Hence it would be valuable to know: When was the policy adopted? By whom? With what rationale?

Others have brought attention to the lack of clarity in the way the “protocol” is presented. In the EdNews story, a COVA official correctly observed that the regulation appears nowhere in the 100-plus page student assessment procedures manual (PDF). Additionally, only one small notice was added in the 2010 proctors manual (PDF) — where it hadn’t appeared in 2009. A closer look at the proctors manual reveals no trace under the section labeled “Standard Conditions for a Standardized Test.” I also perused CDE’s 53-slide official presentation for CSAP administration training and couldn’t find a reference to the procedure.

So yes, a rule is a rule (or in this case, maybe a procedure or “protocol”). COVA is not entirely without fault. But to what extent do we adhere rigidly to bureaucratic norms? If the procedure is suddenly so crucial to be considered a “misadministration,” why not include it in the procedures manual? If it’s worthy only of one small mention in a test proctor’s manual, why not also provide for commensurate flexibility?

Better understanding the origins of the procedure not only could add important context to this discussion but also could provide clarity to avoid a possible repeat of such an incident in the future.

Popularity: 31% [?]

Educator Council doesn’t need to be interesting

Friday, July 23rd, 2010

On Wednesday I took a detour from the routine to drop in like a fly on the wall and watch the proceedings of the Governor’s Council on Educator Effectiveness. This sort of policy making below the radar often doesn’t get the attention of, say, a legislative hearing. But the detailed definitions and standards to be produced by the Council (and/or to the State Board next year) are a most crucial piece of the implementation of the nationally-acclaimed Senate Bill 191.

The work of the council is a long way from being done. To say that Wednesday resulted in some progress in crafting the definitions of an effective teacher and an effective principal is to make the proceedings sound about as interesting as they can. If you’re looking for interesting, might I recommend reading up on the governor’s race?

More noteworthy is the venue: It’s not every day I go hang out inside CEA headquarters. And despite rumors to the contrary, I wasn’t harassed or assailed (though union officials still gave no sign of adding me to their Christmas card list). To me, the most significant news that came out of this meeting was the fact that all future meetings will be held on neutral turf in the State Capitol. I probably wasn’t the only one to note the problem of gathering the Council on the home turf of a special interest group heavily invested in the debate. At the least, it creates an appearance of conflict.

Anyway, yes, it was somewhat painful to endure an extended morning discussion on the council’s own plans and processes, and schedules of future meetings. Though clearly the pressure rests on the council members themselves and the extent of work to be accomplished before their December and spring deadlines. May it be true that they are coming together, getting on track and moving the ball forward (how’s that for mixed metaphors?).

Can the council complete its charge on time with consensus and in the spirit of the legislation’s goals? I sure hope so, though doubts would grow if their work continues at the pace of this week’s enclave. With all the future meetings on tap, it’s worth paying attention to the outcomes, but I don’t expect to be consistently watching the sausage-making quite so closely from here on out. And not necessarily because its proceedings are less than riveting. Come on… do we really want the council to get interesting?

Popularity: 10% [?]

Time for more productive Colorado schools

Wednesday, July 14th, 2010

Thanks to EdNews’ own Todd Engdahl for bringing my attention to an important new Center on Reinventing Public Education white paper by Paul Hill and Marguerite Roza: Curing Baumol’s Disease: In Search of Productivity Gains in K-12 Schooling” (PDF).

The big question: Can we overcome the tendency of public K-12 education to become a progressively more costly and less productive enterprise? And if so, how?

The implications:

More than a year into the fiscal crisis we know what we can expect if costs continue to rise and revenues remain constrained: hiring freezes, teacher layoffs, school day furloughs, and wage and benefit reductions. Together these actions work to erode the existing system with absolutely no upside for students.

The thesis: We can’t afford inaction. Despite the current budget crunch, education officials need to make the small sacrifice of investing in genuine research and development to find and test needed productivity gains that can be scaled throughout the system.

The plan: Hill and Roza present a basic, five-step action plan, which includes studying how other service sectors have overcome Baumol’s disease and testing how similar practices might apply to (and succeed in) K-12 education.

I agree with the authors’ thesis. We need to look to make more progress in the areas of information technology, deregulation, mission focus, labor innovations and genuine organizational change. Serious leadership is needed to help re-think carefully what we want our public schools to do and more efficient possibilities for how they might work. A growing body of evidence strongly suggests the possibility that Baumol’s disease can be overcome. Why not in K-12 education?

Nevertheless, I remain somewhat skeptical (though tempted, I resist using the word despair) that our local and state policy makers can find the incentive to pursue the research and development approach. Additional creativity also may be needed to add the incentive. Where the incentive comes from at this point, I don’t know.

Hill and Roza are highly qualified and experienced, and hardly anywhere near the ideological fringes. While the R & D approach they propose is truly bold (and downright adventurous and/or scary for some in the K-12 world), it is also very vital. Someone else will have to make a compelling case for how our schools can afford not to do this. In the meantime, I hope against hope that someone in Colorado will seize the moment and take the innovative lead in this approach.

Popularity: 15% [?]

Don’t break up best friends

Wednesday, June 23rd, 2010

Sometimes it pays to be Facebook friends with Denver Post editorialist David Harsanyi. Yesterday he posted a link to this incredible story in the New York Times that I might have otherwise overlooked. The essence of the story?

But increasingly, some educators and other professionals who work with children are asking a question that might surprise their parents: Should a child really have a best friend?

Most children naturally seek close friends. In a survey of nearly 3,000 Americans ages 8 to 24 conducted last year by Harris Interactive, 94 percent said they had at least one close friend. But the classic best-friend bond — the two special pals who share secrets and exploits, who gravitate to each other on the playground and who head out the door together every day after school — signals potential trouble for school officials intent on discouraging anything that hints of exclusivity, in part because of concerns about cliques and bullying.

Puh-lease. That some school officials and other educators may be engaged in this level of child social engineering is disconcerting to me as a parent and as a citizen. As misguided as I believe this approach to be, it’s also just a plain sign of public education mission creep. I’d hate to think that students in these schools not only are being actively urged to avoid having best friends but also are lacking proficiency in math or reading.

I certainly also hope this anti-best friend campaign is anything but widespread in Colorado schools. Because if we are having trouble fulfilling the consensus fundamental mission of public education, what good would be we accomplishing by delving into such a controversial area at best — or quite likely, doing something that’s counterproductive:

Many psychologists believe that close childhood friendships not only increase a child’s self-esteem and confidence, but also help children develop the skills for healthy adult relationships — everything from empathy, the ability to listen and console, to the process of arguing and making up. If children’s friendships are choreographed and sanitized by adults, the argument goes, how is a child to prepare emotionally for both the affection and rejection likely to come later in life?

“No one can teach you what a great friend is, what a fair-weather friend is, what a treacherous and betraying friend is except to have a great friend, a fair-weather friend or a treacherous and betraying friend,” said Michael Thompson, a psychologist who is an author of the book “Best Friends, Worst Enemies: Understanding the Social Lives of Children.”

It may take a psychologist and published author to point out what should be common sense. But exactly what sort of policies should it take to ensure all our schools are first and foremost focused on education’s bottom line? Maybe some of my other Facebook friends (best friends or not) can help me figure that out.

Popularity: 29% [?]

Debunking the education jobs bailout

Wednesday, June 16th, 2010

Summer may be the season for beating dead horses (not literally). If so, I’ll take the indulgence of bringing some extra attention to a thorough and commonsense debunking of the $23 billion education jobs bill by the Washington Post‘s Charles Lane. Thankfully, Congress appears to have retreated from adding one more profligate and ineffective bailout onto the backs of the American people and from further increasing our schools’ obligation to the federal treasury.

Even so, Lane takes valuable pains to do the math, to discredit bill proponents’ claims and to deflate the NEA scare tactics with facts and context:

…Notably, however, even these sources usually describe the threatened positions as “education jobs” – not teachers. That’s because the figures actually include not only kindergarten through 12th grade classroom instructors, but also support staff (bus drivers, custodians, et al.) and even community college faculty. And 300,000 is the upper end of a range that could be as low as 100,000. Nationwide, there are about 3.2 million K-12 public school teachers.

Moreover, springtime layoff notices are a notoriously unreliable guide to actual job cuts in the fall, because rules and regulations in many public school systems require administrators to notify every person who might conceivably be laid off — whether they actually expect to fire them or not….

And so it goes. Certainly worth a full read. (Mike Antonucci of the Education Intelligence Agency capably did similar work a week ago. Bottom line? Even the scarcely believable worst-case scenarios only would send our nation’s class sizes back to the dreadful dark ages of 1996 or 1997.) Piling on, Alexander Russo reminds us with a helpful graphic of the other options school districts are pursuing to tighten their belts apart from teacher (and other education employee) layoffs.

Finally, Robert Enlow makes a terrific point in a May 25 USA Today op-ed: If the feds are determined to travel the route of wild spending, misguided “stimulus” and generational debt, the least they could do is attach the money to needy students in the form of vouchers. Still, I much prefer the message: No more bailouts, please. Let’s find a smarter way to deal with the short-term shortages while building long-term reforms. Sharing in a little of the pain now beats the alternative we all face.

Popularity: 12% [?]

Emotionally powerful film “The Lottery” delivers

Wednesday, June 9th, 2010

Last night I was privileged to attend the Colorado premiere of The Lottery at the Harkins Theatre in Northfield. Like nearly all in the genre, it’s a movie with a point of view: Massive reform involving greater parental choice and alternative school models is desperately needed to provide children with greater opportunities – especially young people of color and in poverty.

Set in Harlem and featuring four families trying to get their students into one of Eva Moskowitz’s Harlem Success Academy charter schools, the themes evoked by the film and its central character nevertheless reflect broader concerns in American urban education. And, in many cases, it struck more universal chords of parental determination to obtain the best education for their children. A similar film easily could have been made with Hispanic parents trying to enroll their students in West Denver Prep, for example.

The movie is excellent, but that doesn’t make it easy to watch. Getting a close-up view of the respective families’ challenges and aspirations, combined with some deep-seated political tensions, is heart-wrenching – even more so personally as the father of two small children. Without providing any spoilers, all I can say is you’ll find the ending all too realistic and less than completely satisfying.

While it’s the children and their parents who are the most compelling stars of The Lottery, New York reform leaders Moskowitz and Geoffrey Canada, along with Newark Mayor Cory Booker, fill in the gaps to make the larger case for reform. Former New York City Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum does a workable job as the foil, but many of her arguments against charter school expansion and defending union prerogatives ring as hollow as the shrinking political opposition to school choice throughout the nation.

After the movie aired, an all-star panel featuring Lt. Gov. Barbara O’Brien, outgoing House Speaker Terrance Carroll, DPS Board President Nate Easley and Denver School of Science and Technology CEO Bill Kurtz tackled some provocative questions from moderator Van Schoales. Many of the panelist comments helped to provoke some deeper thinking about education reform and to reinforce the movie’s call to action. Nevertheless, I did have a couple objections:

1. Yes, teachers unions aren’t the sole obstacle to meaningful reform, but it’s impossible to deny the major role they play – as evidenced by the United Federation of Teachers at PS 194 in the film. I listened astutely but heard none of the panelists as much as mention the word union during the post-film discussion. I’d like to think it was more an oversight than a lack of the kind of moral courage impressed upon viewers by the makers of the film.

2. We should have a discussion about whether more resources are needed to deliver a top-notch K-12 education, and what that should look like. But a couple of the panelists misstated (perhaps inadvertently) some facts about Colorado education spending. School Finance Act per-pupil revenue for 2009-10 is $7,241 (not $6,000) – and this money doesn’t include categorical spending, mill levy overrides, and a host of federal program spending (Colorado’s current per-pupil spending is closer to $9,000, and total per-pupil spending is north of $11,000). Also, it was asserted that Colorado ranks 49th in K-12 funding. Simply not the case.

Nevertheless, I had a great time and highly recommend the film. If you missed the premiere of The Lottery, don’t delay to find a theater near you. There’s no sitting back and waiting for change to come, not any more.

Other insightful reviews by:

Popularity: 35% [?]

Can we make school funding numbers clearer?

Thursday, June 3rd, 2010

My leading and ongoing frustration with the debate over K-12 school funding is the lack of clarity surrounding basic data. You may disagree with my conclusions about whether and how to increase K-12 funding (and no doubt many do), but shouldn’t we at least be able to agree about the big, round numbers?

What prompted me to chime in today was an Ed News article by ace reporter Todd Engdahl earlier this week about the new Race to the Top application. The final throwaway paragraph currently reads:

Colorado asked for $377 million in the first round and was selected as one of 16 semi-finalists, but the only winners were Tennessee and Delaware. An award can be spent over four budget years. Colorado spends roughly $5.5 billion a year in state and local operating funds on K-12 education.

Originally, the last sentence read: “Colorado spends roughly $5.5 billion a year in state and local funds on K-12 education.” The word operating was added in front of funds. The problem is the sentence still isn’t accurate. A look at data reported directly by the Colorado Department of Education tells the story.

Where does the $5.5 billion figure come from? I’m not sure. Even if you look at the core of school funding — the “total program” in the School Finance Act — you get a figure greater than $5.7 billion for 2009-10. But the “total program” figure doesn’t include categorical funding, local mill levy overrides or many federally-funded programs.

If you look at reported school district revenues and expenditures for 2008-09 (the most recent data CDE has available), you find the following:

  • A look at the Comparison of Revenues and Other Sources shows that combined local and state tax revenue to schools (excluding federal money, bonds and user fees, etc.) was just over $7 billion — all revenue sources, including for non-operating expenses, total nearly $9.2 billion
  • A look at Comparison of All Program Expenditures shows the combined money spent on Instruction and Support Services (excluding possibly some other expenditures that may be classified as operating expenses) was just over $7.3 billion
  • A look at Comparison of Salaries and Benefits shows that money spent directly on employee compensation, excluding other operating expenses, was just short of $5.7 billion

Am I splitting hairs? You decide. But it’s clear as recently as 2008-09, Colorado spent at least $7.3 billion on current operating expenditures, or more than $8,900 per student.

Let me be clear: I don’t blame Ed News or Todd for the confusion. You won’t find better reporting on Colorado K-12 education anywhere else. But the fact the error occurred here shows just how much the public needs a school funding and finance reporting system that is clearer, more accessible and easier to understand. How do we get there? That’s the discussion I hope to start.

Because I believe it’s necessary to ensuring that Colorado crafts policy that most fairly balances the interests of students, educators and taxpayers.

Popularity: 14% [?]

Some PR advice for CEA from New Jersey

Thursday, May 27th, 2010

I often get accused of union-bashing — in particular, of bashing the Colorado Education Association (CEA). Yes, I am especially hard on CEA, its leadership and political agenda, and more relentlessly so than most.

But never let it be said that I am so mean to CEA that I would withhold from them important friendly advice. Recently a chance has presented itself to learn from a fellow National Education Association state affiliate. Given the public relations nightmare that has taken place of late with the New Jersey Education Association, I offer the following bits of advice to CEA:

Experience is the best teacher. After all, CEA likely wants to avoid the “astonishing fall from grace,” according to Kevin Manahan of the Star-Ledger, that NJEA has engendered in recent weeks. There is time to rebuild bridges after the bitter SB 10-191 battle, and to not make things worse Garden State-style.

Colorado teachers’ union leaders may even want to consider sending thank-you notes to their New Jersey counterparts for setting a clear standard to be avoided at all costs.

Popularity: 31% [?]

Does Education Fifty rate Hick right on reform?

Monday, May 17th, 2010

Back at the beginning of the legislative session, shortly after Bill Ritter’s stunning announcement that he would be a one-term governor, I briefly broke down what education reform might look like under either of his two likely successors: Mayor John Hickenlooper or former Congressman Scott McInnis. (Dan Maes is a good guy, but he will have to shock the world to win the primary.)

I think we all can agree that given economic conditions and the political climate that state-level education reform policy doesn’t figure to have the same prominence as it has had during the past four years, though big surprises often lurk just outside our view. Education isn’t a strong suit for either McInnis or Hickenlooper, though the edge has to go to the mayor on experience and familiarity.

But what about the respective candidates’ actual philosophies and visions for education reform that their administrations would use to govern? Enter the new website Education Fifty — a project of the D.C.-based Center for Education Reform (CER). The site provides very basic information on every announced candidate for the 37 gubernatorial races across the nation this fall:

  1. Does the candidate demonstrate real support for charter schools?
  2. Does the candidate demonstrate real support for broader public and private school choice?
  3. Does the candidate demonstrate real support for performance-based pay for teachers and school leaders?

In Colorado, the two Republican candidates win large green checkmarks on all three points. On the other hand, Hickenlooper gets a big red X for number 2 and a curious question mark for number 3. Does the Mayor’s support of ProComp count? I’m not sure where CER rates ProComp, but their explanatory definition reads as follows:

Performance pay, or merit-based pay, rewards teachers based on their performance in the classroom and not just on seniority, which is currently the norm. True merit pay is not a system of bonuses, but rather a method of linking educators’ pay directly to student performance. These policies are designed to increase individual accountability by linking compensation and job security directly to operational and academic outcomes.

If someone out there thinks the website features a goof, CER invites your feedback.

Popularity: 13% [?]

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