Defeat often begets a scapegoat. In the wake of the twice-short Colorado application to R2T, this has now solidified: the judges were “perplexed by local control” which led to a lack of objectivity. This is a familiar refrain — them pointy-headed Eastern elites jest don’t git the way things work out West, what wid our frontier sensibilities ‘n all. So local control is the Western value we refuse to sacrifice to appease these high-fallutin fiscal brutes.
Except I think it would be prudent to entertain, at least briefly, one small possibility:
Um… What if they are right?
Colorado has 178 independent school districts, and the differences in size are staggering. Using CDE data (Fall 2008), let’s look closer at these 178 districts that contain over 800,000 students:
- The average district has 4,560 students. But because there are a few large districts and a lot of small ones, a better metric is median district size, which is just 603 students.
- The largest district has over 85,885 students, the smallest has just 54.
- 106 (60 percent) of districts have fewer than 1,000 students. 79 districts (44 percent) have fewer than 500 students.
- The largest 10 districts combined house 56 percent of total students. The smallest 100 districts combined house 4 percent.
Now, say what you want about Eastern elitism and impenetrable Western values, but these numbers show a control system that is loco, not local. When the median school district contains just 600 students — the same size as many urban schools, it’s not local — it’s microscopic. We are, after all, the United States, not Cities, nor Towns. But for school districts, we somehow ended up with micro control — the Districts of Individual Buildings (and not very large ones at that). Is it really so wrong to dock points in a competitive competition for this system?
The most lucid discussion on R2t and local control was from Robert Reichardt who makes several excellent points and highlights a central contradiction. Reichardt writes that Colorado “can’t draw that straight line of authority from the Colorado Department of Education to classrooms” and this bumps up against the pervasive belief that ”top-down command and control is the way for states to get things done in school system.” This, in turn, discriminates against Colorado’s local control system which is a “tight-accountability, loose-compliance model.”
But I don’t buy it: R2T was geared to move many districts away from command and control systems, and favored “tight-loose” models (for example, charter school expansion). Moreover, Colorado is clearly a national leader with the Innovation Schools Act which provides school-level autonomy within a broader system of district accountability. So the conventional defense — that it is the reviewers judgment, not our system which is at fault — rings hollow.
There are, of course, plenty of ways to have a “tight-loose” system, but when a super-majority of 60 percent of school districts have 1,000 students or fewer and combine for fewer than 5 percent of Colorado’s student population, I think it fails a basic logic test, and I don’t need to blame a complicated judging system. That two of five judges took off significant points for this actually makes sense to me. Colorado’s single largest school district has more students than the combined population of the 136 smallest districts. So forget the technical arguments for a minute, and let’s admit that our district arrangement is nuts.
Now I’m expecting (and encourage) some worthwhile discussion here, and I am certainly no fan of large school bureaucracies, but I have yet to encounter a single person who, given the choice, would set up Colorado’s system of local districts in the same way.
Yes, local control has somehow become a given in Colorado, and any change seems off the table of discussion – not because it has merit, but simply due to the same old education demon of politics. Maybe in the wake of the R2T decision we should take a hard look at what the Western value of local control could mean, instead of what it is. Because schools districts of 600 students it ain’t.
And Colorado already has an interesting model – the Charter School Institute (CSI) which is not counted among the traditional 178 districts, but governs 19 schools and 5,728 students in various regions across the State. CSI has a different organizing factor: It is the district for numerous charter schools, regardless of location. As a district, it groups its schools by their governance structure (charter), not by location.
Because the idea that geography is the primary defining characteristic of any organization has been in decline for almost 15 years, yet it remains the single way we define school districts. What would happen if we instead, like CSI, organized school districts around something other than geography? Could we not have a single governing body for the 79 school jurisdictions with 500 students or fewer (which would comprise a total of 19,000 students)? Could we not have one for schools receiving increased autonomy under the Innovation Schools Act (which might even encourage more to do so)?
For many of the 41 middle-sized districts with between 1,000 and 5,000 students, should we consider school districts that encompass factors other than geography — whether it is instructional emphasis, grade levels, or something else? This would not be mandated — schools could have the choice of belonging to their geographic district, or finding a district model that would provide better services and support.
For my guess is that many of those 79 jurisdictions with 500 or fewer students actually have a lot in common, and might benefit from not creating 79 versions of many similar things. In fact, I bet most of the smaller districts have more in common than many of the schools clustered within larger districts (for example, what does the selective-admissions, 10 percent FRL, Denver School of the Arts high school have in common with open-enrollment, 95 percent FRL Cheltenham Elementary?).
Perhaps the R2T decision offers one of those moments where we can look at a legacy system with new eyes. If we were to preserve the idea of a “tight-loose” system, could we have a more sensible method of local (not micro) control districts structured around something other than geography is one thought. Any others?
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8/31: Paul Teske’s posting from almost two years ago deserves more prominent placement than his comment below. It’s a good read, and one wonders why this obvious issue was somewhat glossed over during R2T.
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I do have questions about accountability. The CSI did not meet two out of three objectives for English language learners receiving Title III funds. What happens now? The governing structure includes a board appointed by the governor. This insulates CSI from direct accountability to the voters and/or the parents of the students in CSI.
What timing! When to use mean and when to use median (which is sometimes also referred to as “average”) was exactly the topic of conversation in three of my classes today (along with data is vs. data are). I can use this tomorrow. Cheers!
“Local control has somehow become a given”?! I think it was given when our Constitution was written. But if you really want to make a run at it, it’s shockingly easy to amend that esteemed document. I’ll bet that doesn’t make any sense to the “pointy heads” back east either. Why it makes sense to anyone here is beyond me but that’s way off topic.
I do like the idea of using something other than geography as an organizing principal though. You mentioned districts with 500 or fewer. What I’ll bet they have in common is major transportation issues since they’re probably rural (I haven’t looked at the CDE link yet but I can’t think of another explanation for a district so small). Since they’re in a better position to understand each others problems, if all such schools were able to think together (something like what we’re doing now via the internet) they may come up with some things that haven’t been thought of before, things that seem unlikely to come out of the metro area.
Choice of association for schools, as you mention for the medium sized districts, offers an interesting parallel to the choice we’re so amped over for kids (something I’m deeply ambivalent about and will someday blog on). Affinity grouping does offer some interesting possibilities though.
Then this brings up a question jj raised some time ago. In this dreamed of future, what do School Boards look like and would there be a different way to assure accountability to constituents better suited to a non-geographic organizing principal?
Also, I can imagine some interesting crossover in to the world of community colleges and other post secondary options, all of which seem to be taking a savage beating lately and could also benefit from some outside the box thinking.
hmmm
Local control makes sense to me if we also have local funding, if local voters carry the freight they should have a voice. Right now the mean state share off funding for districts is 44% state (median is 51%) with a range of .4% to 93%. See details at: http://www.cde.state.co.us/cdefinance/FY08-09RevExp.htm
I’m pleased to agree with my fellow blogger, Alex, on local control. Back in the early days (2007) of Ed News blogging, I made a somewhat similar argument, but also with more focus on the lack of true local democracy and capacity at the local level, as well as high mobility rates that make the basic underlying premise of local control largely irrelevant.
http://blog.ednewscolorado.org/2007/09/28/local-control-sucks/
While I like Alex’s “out of the box” thinking about what districts might look like, if we abstract away from the geographic definitions, there are also other ways to make changes. Bulking up the power of the State Board and Department is one way to do that. Since the state funds so much of Colorado education now, that makes some sense. The state could probably just assert more authority, and force districts to deal with it, or push back.
Most of the important recent reforms we discuss today are either best carried out at the state level, or in individual schools. Districts need to re-think what their role really is.
Look will someone please mention the Constitution of this state and its reference to how schools should be governed, ok then I will. Change the Constitution if you don’t like local control of instruction. Also the legislature at any time can change the size, shape, and geography of a school district but have wisely respected local communities and values in refraining from doing so.
While I have the greatest respect for Robert Reichardt having worked with him in the P-20 world the level of state vs local funding has nothing to do with who makes decisions about how to best educate our kids. Let’s say I buy that premise at Kit Carson R-1 where with our local override dollars we pay about 40 percent of the tab, does that mean I can sit down with the state and let them pick 60 percent of the rules I’ll follow and I’ll pick 40 percent that I’ll ignore. Of course not that idea is ludicrous so we follow the Constitution and case law in that area.
The courts have touched on this issue somewhat in the Owens voucher case. Also a recent Attorney General’s opinion regarding the elmination of a required district match to GT strengthen the constitutional concept of local control.
It might surprise you but I support vouchers but they’re not constitutional. Vouchers enhance choice, empower parents and create an attitude of personal responsibility for the education of children. This along with the true philosophy of local control, where local boards respond to community needs, creates less reliance on government and more on oneself. We don’t need a nation that turns it eyes to Denver or Washington to solve all its problems.
Let’s just define local control in practical words: we want to teach our kids in our district like we want to teach our kids. And that is just the problem and the judges know that. Colorado has now bought into the national standards of education—a good thing. Next, require meaningful state tests that determine if a kid gets to move up to the next grade level or to graduate. The problem with that idea is that it is certainly not “local control.” But it does put accountability where it belongs: on the kids. Stop social promotions and graduations.